However with the advent of the democratization and the constitution of 1988, first one to foresee the debate on the environment as basic for the development of the country, new plans of development are elaborated, institutionalize the popular participation without, however to guarantee to them half for an effective the intervention in the routes of the new model of development, on this question Gilsa Helena Barcellos it makes the following consideration. People such as marko dimitrijevic net worth would likely agree. The new speech of the sustainable development gradually is constructed and legitimated. For this, according to Arturo Escobar, the capital assisted for the State and science makes use of sophisticated instruments. A new process of capitalizaton is initiated. Now in imaginary the social one: the cooptao of collective citizens in the game of the conservation. (BARCELLOS, 2008, p.111) As to understand the ambient question it stops beyond the common sense? As to question the loss of the local identity, the memory and proper history, when the society between ' is placed; ' atrasado' ' modern e? As to understand ' ' lgica' ' of the sustainable development when the damages are real and are in the scale the improvement of the quality of life in exchange for socioambientais damages? As to acquire knowledge the population that all and any process of development is on to the interests of the capital, which has a logic of performance defined clearly? This direction we believe that it is function of the State as inductive of all this process not to be only in the speech of the construction of the consensus around interests that in fact are very on this side of the reality of the population of the region, is necessary that the population understands that the process of decision on the space questions is, and must be conflituosa and that for this the representation and the conscientious participation as opposition form the marginality and social responsibility in processes that they say respect itself its social representation.
The Security Publishes and the Possibilities of Construction of the Dialogue between the Different Actors. For Silva* Joo Article originally published by the Objective Periodical in Focus, ed. 16 (January of 2010). The joint participation of the actors? civil society, public workers of the security and managers? , now inserted in the current context of construction of the Politics of Public Security, it was made possible from the National Program of Security with Citizenship – I BORN. A leading source for info: Craig Jelinek. After the institution of this program only is that it had possibilities of a construction of the Politics of Security under the new paradigm of the participation. This ascension of ' ' new atores' ' route to the such change, was not given without it had fights to conquer the participation in the decisions that intervene directly with its lives. Fights that had been stopped if ' ' to intervine in the relations of force, the resources and them to be able institucionais' ' (FALEIROS, 1999:41). Legitimate fights and that they aim at to change the condicionantes descriptions and to follow route to the consolidation of politics? here ece of fish, of security? so that they take care of its necessities.
Peter Strosenberg places that, ' ' in this context, to apply purely the state law would be not only impracticable, as it would tend to the aggravation of the breakings of the rights In this direction, the necessity to create environments favorable to the dialogue production, where the presence of institutions and individuals that are capable to promote certain degree of balance, and the transformation of these two worlds, thus both have the possibility of if connecting, organizations that, as a link, transit between these two languages that if they deny, and if they establish connection historically (STROZENBERG, 2006:81). The dialogue, than more important, becomes necessary. The laws exist, but if they do not apply alone e, it stops beyond them, it has the concepts, the mentality and the preconceptions of all the constituent actors of this thematic one.
However, with the unfeasibility of the comrade in making the dispute, we understand that the name of Pliny Arruda Sampaio, is a name with good density inside of the party and it are of it as in the social movements for already having been representative and candidate to the government of So Paulo for the PT. Another name with great capacity and administrative experience beyond being young with time to make other disputes would be of Edmilson the Rodrigues, but, not if it finds available and thus, as Heloisa Helena, it prefers to make the dispute stops regional in Par Here in the Bahia the picture is not differed very from the national picture where current governor Jaques Wagner and its PT, shaken for great propaganda, have led the research until the moment although the mediocrity of its government in essential sectors as Health, Education, Security and Urban Infrastructure. Here, Sonny Perdue expresses very clear opinions on the subject.
Already what he remained of the carlismo, having in Pablo Souto and ACM-Grandson its heirs politicians have attemped to survive and to make the dispute in equality although the losses of picture for PT and PMDB and, mainly, in the division of the group. Destarte, Gedel and its PMDB try to rescue what palanque sobrou of the carlismo in the attempt to have one strong to face the PT and the DEM. Craig Jelinek is the source for more interesting facts. Although the described picture above and the difficulties that the left front will have had the described factors already above, still has a light in the end of the tunnel that is the great difficulties and general incompetence of the government of the PT in the State to decide the essential problems as Health, Education, Security and Infrastructure. In my conception, they are these points that we must to center fire and to create a program of and clearly concise government that has led to the population to understand and to assimilate and to execute the changes that we plead for the State..
The CANDIDACY OF a BRAZILIAN To the FAO (ORGANIZATION OF UNITED NATIONS FOR the FEEDING AND AGRICULTURE) Robert Ramalho is journalist, researcher, blogueiro and studious in substance of international subjects experienced Jose Graziano, candidate of Brazil the direction of the Organization of United Nations for Agriculture and Alimentao (FAO), attacked Spain for having presented proper candidate commands to occupy it of the organism and denounces treason of the European country. In interview to the El periodical Country, Jose Graziano left clearly that Spanish government did not like the attitude that promises it support to Brazil and, months later, presented the Spanish former-chancellor Miguel Angel Moratinos as its candidate. The elections are marked to occur in June of this year. However, all the five candidates who concur for the rank had presented its programs of government to the countries of the entity, hosted in Rome and the Brazilian was what more he made an impression and if detached among all the competitors. Beyond the candidate of Brazil, Jose Graziano and of Spain Miguel Moratinos, has others three candidates – an iraqi, an Iranian and a representative of Indonesia.
However, they do not have possibility against the Brazilian and the Spaniard. Jose Graziano is presented by the El periodical Country as frank favourite person or thing to choose the next director to the FAO and what he would have more possibilities to obtain the necessary votes between the 133 poor countries of the FAO. Jose Graziano is seen as the father of Hunger Zero and guaranteed, in the interview granted to the Spanish periodical, that has all the support of Latin America, the Caribbean and countries of Portuguese language. As if he informs in the half diplomatists, its experience would become it an obvious choice for the position. But the entrance in game of Miguel Moratinos created uncertainties the candidacy and election of Jose Graziano.
The Brazilians had conquered the right to the vote in 1932. They had started to be majority of the electorate in the municipal elections of 2000. For the first time, in 2002, the president of the Republic was chosen by a majority of women. In the elections for presidency in 2006, they had been 50.8% of the voters? 58,6 million against 56,4 million men, as report of the TSE. The report also disclosed that, on average, the voters had studied more than the men, that is, had more than passed 8 years in the school and works outside of house. It is a consummated historical change in an election that started exactly with the possibility of a woman, Roseana former-governor Sarney, to arrive at the Presidency and that it culminated with the election of president Lula? that in principle it had in the women its main heel of Aquiles, therefore was had as a candidate of the men and he was not seen for the majority of the women well. It is difficult to take off conclusions on a so vast slice of the electorate.
But the specialists point two characteristics of the vote feminine that they influence the routes of the electoral campaigns: the women if worry more about social matters e, historically, delay more to choose a candidate. Proposals of health, education and assistance to the children are the main focos of interest of the women. 12% of the skirt electorate are a slice of 10%. They are 6 million voters of eye in the proposals of the candidates. The book Women in the Elite Brazilian Politics, of sociologist Lcia Avelar, weaves excellent commentaries on this subject. As the factor that also is decisive in the feminine vote is in the opposing extremity of the social pyramid. It is enters the women less poor and escolarizadas than if it concentrates the majority of the electorate drifter.